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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><b><i><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">The idea that we are entering an era
of techno-feudalism that will be worse than capitalism is chilling and
controversial. We asked former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis to
elucidate this idea, explain how we got here, and map out some alternatives.</span></i></b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"><span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"><span> </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">The
</span><a href="https://jacobin.com/2023/10/cloud-capitalism-technofeudalism-serfs-cloud-big-data-yanis-varoufakis" target="_blank"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:blue">controversial</span></a><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"> concept of
techno-feudalism suggests we have transitioned from capitalism to something
even worse — a new era that exhibits disturbing feudal characteristics. On this
view, capitalists now primarily rely on consolidated political power and rents
to extract capital. If true, this form of feudal extraction represents a
drastic shift away from the conventional mechanisms of capitalism. Importantly,
it would mark a move from capitalism’s claimed foundational attributes of
competition and innovation.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><i><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Jacobin</span></i><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">’s
</span><a href="https://jacobin.com/author/david-moscrop" target="_blank"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:blue">David Moscrop</span></a><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"> recently talked to economist and
former Greek finance minister </span><a href="https://jacobin.com/author/yanis-varoufakis" target="_blank"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:blue">Yanis Varoufakis</span></a><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"> about his latest book </span><a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/751443/technofeudalism-by-yanis-varoufakis/" target="_blank"><i><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:blue">Technofeudalism: What Killed Capitalism</span></i></a><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">.
Varoufakis makes the case for techno-feudalism, arguing that rents have
displaced profits. He delves into the rise of cloud capital, the implications
of what a new feudal order would mean for us, and the possibilities of an
alternative future.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Capitalism,
But Not as We’ve Known It</span></b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"><span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">David
Moscrop<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">In
<i>Technofeudalism</i>, you argue capitalism has brought about its own demise,
but not in the way that, say, Marx would have expected. Capitalism has its own
contradictions — most fundamentally in the antagonism between capital and labor
— and yet those contradictions seem to have produced a mutation that is perhaps
worse than anyone might’ve expected. So how did capitalism kill itself and what
is replacing it?<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Yanis
Varoufakis<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">This
book falls squarely within the Marxist political-economic tradition. I wrote it
as a piece of Marxist scholarship. So, from my Marxist perspective, this is a
tragic book to have to write.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">The
contradictions of capitalism didn’t lead to the anticipated resolution where,
after all these centuries of class stratification, society would be distilled
into two classes, poised for a high-noon clash. This decisive confrontation
between oppressor and oppressed would result in the liberation of humanity — the
emancipation of humanity from all class conflict. Instead of that, however,
this clash between the capitalist — the bourgeoisie — and the proletariat ended
up in the complete victory of the bourgeoisie: a complete loss after 1991,
especially.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">In
the absence of a competitor in the form of trade unions — the organized working
class — capitalism went into a rampant dynamic evolution that caused this
mutation into what I call cloud capital. This transformation effectively marked
the end of traditional capitalism. It killed capitalism — a development that
embodies a Marxist-Hegelian contradiction, but not the kind of contradiction we
would have hoped for.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Cloud
capital has killed off markets and replaced them with a kind of a digital
fiefdom where not just proletarians — the precarious — but bourgeois people and
vassal capitalists are all producing surplus value for the vassal capitalists.
They are producing rents. They’re producing cloud rent, because the fiefdom is
a cloud fiefdom now, for the owners of cloud capital.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Cloud
capital created a kind of power, which we as Marxists must recognize as being
structurally, qualitatively different from the monopoly power of somebody like
Henry Ford, Thomas Edison, or the great robber barons. Because those people
concentrated capital, concentrated power, bought out governments, and killed
off their competitors to sell their stuff. Today’s “cloudalists” — cloud
capital owners — they don’t even care about producing anything and selling
their stuff. This is because they have replaced markets — they have not simply
monopolized them.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">If
capitalism is market-based and profit-driven, well then this is no longer
capitalism, because this is not marketplace-based. It’s based on digital
platforms that are closer to techno-fiefdoms or cloud fiefdoms, and they’re
driven by two forms of liquidity. One is cloud rent, which is the opposite of
profit, and the other is central bank money, which funded the building of cloud
capital. And that is not capitalism.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Now
you can choose to call it capitalism if you want, if you redefine capitalism
and if you say that anything that stems from the power of capital is
capitalism, but it’s not capitalism as we’ve known it. To paraphrase Spock in
Star Trek: “It is life but not life as we’ve known it.”<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">And
I think that it’s important to make the linguistic transition from the word
“capitalism” to something else, which is very difficult to make, because we’re
all wedded to the idea that we’re fighting against capitalism. After all those
decades of feeling that we came to this planet to overthrow capitalism, it’s
really very difficult to have an idiot like me coming along and saying, “But
this is not capitalism anymore.” You say, “Bugger off. Of course it is
capitalism. If it’s not socialism, it must be capitalism.” That’s what a fellow
Marxist said to me. And I killed myself laughing because I remember my Rosa
Luxembourg. No, it can be barbarism.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Vampire-Like
Parasitism</span></b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"><span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">David
Moscrop<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">If
techno-feudalism has replaced capitalism, as you’ve suggested, it has also led
to the emergence of “cloud serfs” and “cloud proles,” modern equivalents of the
serfs and proletarians discussed in historical contexts. How do these
contemporary classes differ from their counterparts in the traditional
capitalist model?<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Yanis
Varoufakis<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">From
a Marxist perspective, the simple answer is that cloud serfs directly produce
capital with their free labor. That has never happened before. Serfs under
feudalism produced agricultural commodities. They did not produce capital —
that was up to the artisans who produced tools and instruments and plows and
stuff. In contrast, modern users contribute to capital formation simply by
engaging with platforms, offering free labor to augment cloud capital for the
capitalist. That never happened under capitalism.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Techno-feudalism
remains deeply reliant on the capitalist sector, mirroring the dependence of
capitalism on the agricultural sector and the feudal sectors for sustenance.
And just as capitalism needed feudalism to ensure a food supply,
techno-feudalism is parasitic, drawing essential support from the capitalist
sector to sustain itself.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">So,
the capitalist sector remains foundational. It is producing all value — it’s
why this analysis is distinctly Marxist. All surplus value is produced in the
capitalist sector, but then it is usurped. It is appropriated by this mutant
capital — cloud capital — most of which is not reproduced by proletarians. It’s
reproduced by people in their leisure time who work for no pay. That has never
happened. That’s why I’m saying this is not capitalism. And it doesn’t help to
think of this as capitalism, because if you remain wedded to the word
capitalism, the mind fails to comprehend the great transformation.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">David
Moscrop<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">You
mentioned that the rise of techno-feudalism is driven by two primary causes:
the enclosure and privatization of the internet, similar to pasture enclosure
in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century England, and a steady, heavy flow of
central bank money, particularly after 2008. Could things have gone otherwise?<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Yanis
Varoufakis<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Well,
everything could be different. That’s what </span><a href="https://jacobin.com/author/david-graeber" target="_blank"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:blue">David Graeber</span></a><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"> has taught us, right? And as
leftists, we have to believe that nothing was foretold. Otherwise, we don’t believe
in human agency — otherwise, what’s the point of living? We might as well
become couch potatoes watching the world go by. So, everything can always be
different. The historical counterfactual is always interesting, but I cannot do
it. I really cannot do it. I mean, I tried to do it often in my previous book,
which was a political science-fiction novel called </span><a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/696968/another-now-by-yanis-varoufakis/" target="_blank"><i><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif;color:blue">Another Now</span></i></a><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">.
Effectively, I created another time line where in 2008 we did things
differently with Occupy Wall Street to bring about socialist transformation.
And that’s a great game to play with your own mind, but I don’t think it’s
historically pertinent.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">How
could things have been different? Well, one could say that the privatization of
the internet was inevitable because we live under capitalism. And capitalism
has this capacity of eating up and infecting every capitalist-free zone. The
reason why I could never align with utopian socialism, like that of Robert Owen
in the nineteenth century. Despite his efforts to create capitalism-free zones,
history shows that capitalism inevitably invades and corrupts these spaces. You
cannot have pockets of socialism surviving for long within capitalism.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Now
With More Crisis</span></b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"><span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">David
Moscrop<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">You
say techno-feudalism is parasitic on capitalism. If that’s the case,
techno-feudalism will still require the existence of classical capitalist
production. Amazon still needs producers to manufacture goods to sell on its
platform. Uber and Tesla require physical vehicles. How will that relationship
work in the long run under a techno-feudalist order?<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Yanis
Varoufakis<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Again,
I need to make this point very clearly. Capitalism in the eighteenth century
and nineteenth century, when it emerged, overthrew feudalism, but it needed the
feudal sector to continue producing food because otherwise we would all have
died. That’s why I’m saying that capital was parasitic on the feudal
agricultural sector. So, it’s not that one dies and the other lives. What
happens is that capital takes over the hegemony of the system, but it is
parasitic on the previous system. That’s a standard Marxist, historical,
material analysis.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Now
what is happening is that at the center of techno-feudalism you have a capital
sector, which is absolutely necessary. The capital sector is the only sector
that produces value — exchange value in Marxist terms — but the owners of that
capital, of old-fashioned capital, are vassals to the cloud capitalists. Their
profits are being skimmed off. So surplus value is withdrawn from the circular
flow of income by the “cloudalists.”<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Now
that makes the system even more unstable, even more prone to crisis, and even
more contradictory and even less viable than capitalism was. That’s what I’m
saying in the book: that the takeover by cloud capital — the supplantation of
capitalism by techno-feudalism — is making our societies more fraught with
conflict. They’re becoming more stupid, more conflictual, more poisoned, and less
capable of allowing space within them for social democracy, for the liberal
individual — for values that even the Right cherished under capitalism.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">The
Left was never against the idea of liberty; our critique lies in the limiting
of liberty to a select few. But now even this limited form of liberty is under
threat, and therefore the contradictions are getting worse. I hold on to hope
that perhaps these growing tensions will push humanity into a decisive showdown
between good and evil — between the oppressors and the oppressed. But the rapid
approach of climate catastrophe poses the risk that we may reach the point of
no return before that resolution takes place. So, we have our work cut out for
us, and humanity is staring extinction in the face — unless we pull our socks
up.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Not
Your Parents’ Rentiers</span></b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"><span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">David
Moscrop<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">You
spend a lot of time making the case that rents have usurped profit. Is it not
the dream, though, of every “capitalist” to extract rent? Does any capitalist
really want to be a capitalist? It seems to me every capitalist wants to be a
rentier.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Yanis
Varoufakis<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Well,
the era when capitalists wanted to be capitalists was gone a long time ago. I
trust that Henry Ford liked being a capitalist in the same way that, in a
strange and completely warped manner, Rupert Murdoch likes to be a newspaperman
— even though he has done so much to destroy newspapers. But these people are
either dead or on their way to hell. So, yes, capitalists don’t want to be
capitalists, especially here in Europe, especially in my country. All the
capitalists, and I’ve known quite a few, have stopped being capitalists;
they’ve become rentiers.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">The
difference is that the capitalists who were transforming themselves into being
rentiers, until the emergence of cloud capital, were essentially passing their
capital stock onto others or possibly to private equity. These former
capitalists extracted rent from the monopoly profits of these highly
concentrated capitalist firms.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">But
what happens with people like Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk, I mean, they <i>want</i>
to do what they’re doing. They want to be cloud capitalists or “cloudalists,”
as I call them. They love it. These people, a bit like Thomas Edison, love what
they do. They’re not like standard rentiers. They’re not like the feudal lords of
the past. They are not like the capitalists who no longer want to be
capitalists. These people are enthusiastic’ and they’re very talented, and,
unfortunately, they’re very smart. The combination of their drive with the
exorbitant power of the cloud capital that they own creates a highly potent,
concentrated form of “cloudalist” power, which we have to take very seriously.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">David
Moscrop<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">The
end of the Bretton Woods system transformed global capitalism and ultimately
made possible, among other things, techno-feudalism. Could we imagine a
contemporary Bretton Woods cast in the mold of deep egalitarian multilateralism
and a socialist financial system?<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Yanis
Varoufakis<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Oh,
yes, I have done that. That was the reason why I wrote my previous book. <i>Another
Now</i> envisions exactly what you say. It features a new Bretton Woods system
inspired by John Maynard Keynes’s original proposal — rejected by Harry Dexter
White and the Roosevelt administration — merged with a participatory democratic
socialist framework. This setup has been designed for ongoing redistribution of
income and wealth from the Global North to the Global South, especially in the
form of green investment. So, I’ve mapped all that and can answer your question
of how things could work today, with the technologies that we have, if property
rights were equally distributed — which is what I believe socialists should be
aiming at. But that was my political science fiction. This book is about what
we’re facing.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">The
World’s Biggest Excel File to the Rescue?</span></b><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif"><span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">David
Moscrop<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">As
part of an alternative order, you advance this idea of a central bank digital
wallet system and monthly dividend. How would that work?<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Yanis
Varoufakis<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Well,
technically it’s dead easy. It can be done in a week because it is so
straightforward. Imagine something like an Excel file, which is kept by the
Fed, and every single resident in the United States is one row. And when a
payment is made, the corresponding value transfers from one cell to another,
representing the payer and payee. This process would be free, instantaneous,
and anonymized. By creating a separation between the software operators and the
identities of individuals, identified only by codes similar to Bitcoin
addresses, privacy can be assured. And checks and balances could be established
to ensure that the state is not watching what each one of us is doing.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">And
because the money will be shuffled through the same spreadsheet, nothing stops
the central bank from adding the same number to everybody every month. And
that’s a universal basic income (UBI), which is not, and this is crucial,
funded by taxation. Because the problem with the idea of UBI is that it is
vulnerable to complaints like, “What are you talking about? You’re going to tax
me, tax the dollars that I earn, to give to a bum, a surfer in California or to
a drug addict or to a rich person?” But this proposal leverages the central
bank’s capacity to generate funds. And we should let no one tell us that it
would be inflationary or would be a problem — because they’re printing
trillions on behalf of financiers. Why not print them on behalf of the little
people? Of everyone equally?<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Now,
the reason why you don’t have this system in the United States and why you are
very far away from a digital dollar is because if anybody in the Fed dares move
in that direction, they will be murdered by Wall Street — they’ll experience
political and character assassination. Wall Street will never allow it because
it would spell the end of Wall Street. Because why would you want to have a
bank account with Bank of America if you can have a digital wallet with the
Fed?<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span style="font-family:"Times New Roman",serif">Bank
of America would be compelled to justify their services and fees. They’d have
to come and convince you that you need to have an account with them because
they want to give you something at a decent price — like a loan — without
scamming you. And they can’t do that because the whole point of Bank of America
or Citigroup is to extract rents from you by monopolizing payment systems and
holding deposits. You keep your money with them because, currently, there’s no
other way of keeping your money.<span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin:0in;font-size:12pt;font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif"><span> </span></p>
</div></div>